Yet it is far too soon to assume that this is a positive trend. In Chapter 6, I discuss the crisis of the state in Ecuador during the — period and its implications for feminist organizing and policies.
From community protests against foreign oil companies in the Amazon region to indigenous marches Sawyerstreet blockades, and hunger strikes in the Andes to millions of people taking to the streets of Quito and Guayaquil in January and thereafter, Ecuadorians have not passively accepted the terms of development, globalization, and modernization, not even during periods of relatively little social movement activity, such as the s and s.
Which women have the power to define the realm within which neoliberal development policies are designed and implemented? Their political approaches and forms of policy implementation varied, leading to entirely different neoliberalisms and distinct outcomes during each administration Phillips During this period, retired women and men lined up in front of banks, in the hope that they would be fortunate enough to receive at least a portion of their social security payments.
That is, Which women are targeted as the new constituents of development? Indeed, it is clear that the dollarization legislation has signified far more than an economic change: Yet they also had unintended consequences for organized sectors of poor women who, by that time, had begun to receive ideological or financial support from the emerging international women in development WID field and from global feminist movements.
They referred to this web of institutions as a technocracy to highlight the tendency in the development field to define the realities and needs of poor countries in scientific, seemingly objective terms that, they argue, depoliticize and decontextualize the neocolonial reality of poor countries such as Ecuador Escobar If it did not, women would be less likely to work within the institutional boundaries of these neoliberal development hierarchies.
This governmental strategy followed a period of financial crisis that had led to bank closings, the freezing of assets, hyperinflation, and arrested social security payments. Yet how poor women are targeted by development practitioners also has positive consequences for the women involved, such as political and subjective empowerment, as many scholars have pointed out e.
Today, many of the children of the elderly must provide housing and financial support for their parents. Eurocentric discourses of race continue to frame social relations. Ironically perhaps, strategic essentialism played an important role in their immediate challenges to the state and, in the long run, to the transformation of gender relations.
At the time, although many women recognized the extent to which their roles as community members, mothers, and citizens had been jeopardized by the emerging economic crisis, they did not foresee how their roles would, in a sense, become integrated into the logic of development.
Increasingly during the s and s, women began to protest the presence of foreign aid agencies and institutions in their movements, adding to their long-standing criticism and analysis of male-based forms of political power.
In general, socioeconomic development frameworks that prioritize growth and posit a universal subject tend to benefit men over women, mestizos over indigenous people, industrialized countries over poor ones, and Western over non-Western cultures. During the — period, five governments led the country and all of them implemented neoliberal policies.
Their notion of political autonomy was internationalized, and they began to see certain strands of feminism as part of the problem.
I draw out the implications of this situation for Ecuadorian politics, Latin American feminisms, and studies of neoliberalism, development, and state restructuring. Negotiations, Paradoxes, Futures Appendix: This national remaking has included reforming the political system, redrafting the constitution, and challenging financial and political corruption.
Chronology of Events Index Introduction Science and expert discourses such as development create powerful truths, ways of creating and intervening in the world, including ourselves.
The s brought on a new era in Ecuador, one that shattered romanticized images of the country as subservient to foreign capital and acquiescent to global political domination. These social movements, which gained ground in the s and early s, necessarily have challenged globalization and the Ecuadorian nation-state as it implements a neoliberal development project that relies on a universal notion of citizenship and uninational identity and, in so doing, have helped to inspire a rethinking of the nation-state itself.
Indeed, this has been an important project in Western social theory and research, particularly in anthropology. First, I provide a discussion of the nature of neoliberal reforms in the country, covering the origins of the s foreign debt crisis and SAPs, which importantly shaped the possibilities of state political reforms in the years to come.
State incentives to attract foreign investment, coupled with the discovery of oil in the s, contributed to marked increases in the presence of multinational capital Schodt ; North In part stemming from SAPs, many community groups must now frame their projects and goals in terms of the market in order to acquire development funding, thus limiting their political and economic possibilities.
To begin with, this growth spurt merely balanced out the economic losses from the late s. Likewise, I view policies and the arena of policy-making through the same cultural-political lens. In this regard, the power to name, to see, to identify, to make visible, is as important to their struggles as is the power to redistribute, organize a march, lead a community project, or write a policy statement.
Approximately 70 percent of the population live in poverty or subpoverty conditions and 7—10 percent live abroad, particularly in the United States or Spain Weismantel An idea is not formed merely from the local context but from communication across national borders, around the world.
Second, women are struggling for access to political power and material resources as well as interpretive power, the power to interpret the reality within which they live Franco Yet they reveal much about the gendered making of modernity, national identity and politics in Ecuador, a country whose state-led modernization project has been paradoxical and inherently unequal from the start.
Policies themselves are important sites of struggle and resistance Shore and Wright a, bnot only in terms of how people respond to economic policy change but also in terms of how policies themselves reflect inequalities and forms of prejudice inherent in Western knowledge production.
At one point in earlythere were more than then thousand organizations on a waiting list at the Ministry of Social Welfare, all of them were applying for their legal status. The new so-called multicultural state faces the challenge of delivering social and economic rights to these sectors in a time of economic uncertainty and heightened national anxieties.
Globalization, a highly contested process that is at once economic, political, and cultural Lechner and Boli ; Bergeronarguably has brought with it negative economic effects but also computers, e-mail, and cell phones to many activists.
Poor and middle-class women and men have been particularly hard hit; many of them have lost their entire savings.Can you help me with this?Create a timeline with at least 8 points that shows the global history of gendered movements - Answered by a verified Tutor.
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Gendered Paradoxes. Women's Movements, State Restructuring, and Global Development in Ecuador.
Amy Lind “A nuanced and critical reading of gender, development, and globalization issues.Download